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Report this book. Internal politics, however, were further complicated by the interpenetration of secular and ecclesiastical interests, since both warrior and priest tended to measure success in terms of acquired real estate. The most dramatic illustration of the confusion between functions in the middle of the tenth century is probably the battle for the Archbishopric of Rheims, waged between Louis' candidate, Artaud, and Herbert of Vermandois' candidate, his own son, who was five years old in , the year in which his father arranged his election.
Caught in the middle of this battle -- which lasted for approximately a generation, with Artaud in office for the first fifteen years-- was the historian, hagiographer, and ecclesiastical functionary, Flodoard of Rheims, who offers us the earliest details about William Longsword. Lauer suggests that fear of his notes falling into the hands of Herbert made Flodoard more objective as an historian, but a tenth-century ecclesiastic in such a position might as easily become paralysed with prudence.
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Perhaps a more useful symptom of reliability, Dumezil's three functions have, at best, a skeletal presence in Flodoard's entries involving William Longsword, permitting us to describe his text as less mythic, if not more accurate, than the texts of Richer, Dudo, and the others. However, in the sequence of references to William Longsword, a pattern, to be revised and obscured by later writers, emerges.
In Flodoard's text, William pledges himself to Charles and affirms his friendship with Herbert, thus aligning himself with those unfriendly to Raoul. In the entry for , William receives a maritime section of Britanny in return for homage to Raoul; since Charles had died in , Williams shift of allegiance represents no dramatic betrayal. In the same year, Otto, William, Hugh, Herbert, and Arnulf concluded some sort of pact, as a result of which the Emperor withdrew to the other side of the Rhine; Louis' absence may be significant, but the text itself does not indicate the significance.
A self-conscious intellectual, categorized by Beryl Smalley with Liudprand and Widekund, among the "classicists, entertainers, partisans" p.
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In addition, he mythologizes, makes outright errors Latouche, p. All of his imaginative effort, however, did not protect him from being charged with an intolerably archaic style by Ferdinand Lot p. His treatment of William Longsword conforms in broad outline to Flodoard's entries, but with significant additions and elisions; like his predecessor, Richer first mentions William in connection with his pledge to Charles the Simple in Lauer, pp.
In abbreviating the passage, Richer considerably reduces the complexity of the political transaction, although he does make explicit some of the motivation that was only implicit in Flodoard; Richer also provides a more cosmically theatrical texture for the event, by providing descriptions of an eclipse of the moon, fiery armies in the sky, and rampant disease, presumably as harbingers of significance.
By identifying him as the son of Rollo the pirate, whose death had been reported earlier and inaccurately in the History, Richer has roughened William's image somewhat; by devoting three clauses to delineating the nature of William's pledge to Charles, he has intensified the significance of the fealty; the result of this rhetorical exercise is to give Louis' Carolingian father credit for taming the leader of a group of pirates, who were led, Richer had remarked earlier, by a congenital brutality paterna From his first mention, then, of William, Richer begins the process of bringing the pirate's son into high relief, in this instance by supressing the full complexity of the political transaction in which William was engaged, as well as by heightening the Carolingian connection.
A minor illustration of this rhetorical process occurs in Richer's next mention of William; when Erluin takes Montreuil back from Arnulf in , Flodoard says that he did it with the assistance of a body of Norman troops, collecta Nordmannorum non modica manu p. Having made so much of William's fealty to Louis, Richer would seem to have had no alternative to removing the pirate from the list of those besieging Rheims in the same year Therefore, when he describes and denounces Herbert and Hugh for chasing Artaud from Rheims, in spite of Flodoard's testimony, Richer subtracts Rollo's son from the siege Lat.
While supressing the treacherous aspects of William's character, Richer also wants to preserve and magnify the pirate's primitive vitality as a warrior; for this purpose, in the next scene he resorts to myth, fabricating a dramatic encounter in which William, symbolically and single-handedly, restores order, if only temporarily, to northern France.
OR HISTORY OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM
Desertorisne dedecore aliquando sordui? Second, Richer deals with the accusations of treachery that might arise from reading Flodoard by the silence that greets the pirate's questions, "Do I not deserve to be among those here? When have I been soiled with the dishonor of treachery? In addition to its mythic function, however, William's balancing act, in Richer, is directly responsible for his death, since Otto promptly decides to avenge the insult by instigating Hugh and Arnulf to murder the pirate prince.
Richer offers, then, characters with at least rudimentary capacities for introspection, who are practical politicians, not demonic killers. Their practicality is emphasized in the second scene, where they fabricate two scenarios, one to be used if the pirate comes by boat, and the other if he comes by land.
When William comes by boat, the conspirators carry out the plan developed for such a contingency; in addition to supplying more geographic detail than Flodoard, Richer supplies three additional figures: a sailor and two boys to row William's boat, presumably necessary to preserve, or to create a sense of the pirate's status. Less than a generation after Richer had finished his History, the far more rhetorical, shamelessly partisan Dudo of Saint Quentin produced an elaborate set of panegyrical biographies, in a mixture of prose and verse, designed to praise the Normans, and particularly the more recent rulers; "the theory guiding the discourse" Hayden White, p.
Instead, Raoul, the brother of Dudo's patron, Richard of Normandy, is named as the exclusive historical source, in a short poem among the prepatory verses, Lair, pp. The scene is part of the apparatus by means of which Dudo composed his excercise in failed hagiography, if we assume that success is not to be measured exclusively by the number of manuscripts that survive in twentieth-century libraries the implication of Guenee, pp.
His own text, however, clearly distinguishes itself from Flodoard and Richer by a constant verbal excess, that places it unambiguously in a tradition of panegyric that goes back at least to Augustus' Rome [Syme, pp. Le passage du heros au saint se fait aisement" [Rousset, p. Church fathers, of course were sufficiently familiar with traditional panegyric [Aigrain, p.
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History then becomes not a process, but a performance, by an author who was also a skilled political negotiator and a successful ecclesiastical politician Lair, pp. Perhaps as a result of his more comprehensive vision, as well as, "une certaine malice," as Gaston Paris described the tone of the Roman de Rou p. Broich, in W.